sustainability strategies. In territories dependent on mining, where the activity structures economies and governance arrangements (Molina Martínez et al., 2024), closure generates systemic effects that require its linkage to territorial development strategies. Consequently, the transition associated with closure requires governance mechanisms capable of coordinating public, private, and social actors. As Gentil et al. (2019) point out, transformations in mining territories require deliberately constructed institutional arrangements. The legacy of closure is not an automatic result of regulatory compliance, but rather the product of strategic management aimed at strengthening capacities and defining a shared post-mining future. 3. CASE STUDIES 3.1. Peru Mining in Peru has historically been one of the central pillars of its economy and the configuration of its territories, particularly through an export-oriented mining enclave model with limited local productive coordination. The country is internationally recognized both for its significant endowment of strategic mineral resources for the energy transition and for the magnitude of its extractive legacy, expressed in thousands of mining environmental liabilities accumulated over centuries of exploitation (Saade Hazin, 2013). In this context, territories such as Cajamarca, Pasco, and Junín have consolidated themselves as traditional mining enclaves, with different historical trajectories but all sharing the same logic of extractive dependence and transactional relationships. Since the 1990s, Cajamarca has been the country's main center of contemporary gold production, associated with large-scale operations that transformed watershed landscapes and Andean ecologies (Macera, De Meulder, & Shannon, 2020), while Pasco and Junín formed the historical core of the central mining corridor, with more than four centuries of polymetallic mining and the expansion of mining and metallurgical complexes during the 20th century (Valle-Riestra, 2025). Currently, these territories are at different stages of the extractive cycle: Cajamarca combines active operations with progressive closures and conflicts over expansion; Junín exhibits the coexistence of mining activity and inherited liabilities; and Pasco faces a scenario of productive decline in which the mining legacy takes on territorial centrality, without being organically integrated into a local development project. One of the most visible social impacts of mine closures and the weakening of the extractive model is expressed in migratory dynamics, which reflect incomplete territorial transition processes. Census evidence shows that Cajamarca, Junín, and Pasco had persistent negative migration balances between 2007 and 2017, suggesting a structural condition of expelling territories in contexts of reduced economic dynamism. In Cajamarca, the number of emigrants increased from 594,447 in 2007 to 639,926 in 2017, while immigration barely reached 79,176 in the latter year, evidencing a marked asymmetry between population outflow and inflow (INEI, 2007; INEI, 2017). Junín recorded 439,811 emigrants in 2017 compared to 201,612 immigrants, and Pasco showed an increase in emigrants from 124,468 to 134,725 people, accompanied by stagnant immigration. These patterns suggest a selective outflow of the 116
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