economic, social, and environmental crisis, and to the emergence of initiatives such as the so-called "Cesar-Magdalena Life Corridor" (UPME, 2023). On this basis, the social, economic, and institutional impacts of the closure of coal mining in Cesar are analyzed. From a social perspective, the closure and decline of coal mining has had significant impacts, mainly through massive job losses and deteriorating living conditions in areas that are highly dependent on extractive activities. The closure and early termination of contracts by Prodeco/Glencore affected more than 5,000 direct workers and almost 6,000 indirect workers, according to union and international monitoring reports (CNV Internationaal, 2021). This situation is particularly critical in contexts where it has been documented that nearly 80% of economic activity and employment depended directly or indirectly on mining, such as in Agustín Codazzi and El Paso (Mendoza & Estrada, 2025). Although there are no official statistics that allow for the direct quantification of migration flows associated with the closure, the literature on mining transitions in Colombia shows that abrupt job losses in enclave economies generate structural pressures toward the out-migration of the economically active population, particularly young people, while households with less mobility remain in the territory (Bez et al., 2023). In Cesar, these pressures have been reinforced by an increase in social conflict, including threats against workers, trade unionists, and social leaders, which contributes to the deterioration of territorial roots and reactive mobility processes, even when these are not statistically measured (Vega-Araújo, 2024). From an economic perspective, the closure of coal mining highlighted the fragility of a highly specialized productive structure dependent on mining. Various sources agree that coal mining came to represent around 50% of the departmental economy and up to 80% in the municipalities of the coal corridor, creating an enclave economy with little productive diversification (NRGI, 2021; Vega-Araújo, 2024). Before the closure, the sector was associated with approximately 12,000 direct jobs and more than 60,000 indirect jobs, reflecting its strong multiplier effect on the regional economy (EITI, 2023). Prodeco's departure meant not only the loss of thousands of jobs, but also a contraction in local demand, affecting trade, services, and municipal finances through reduced royalties and tax revenues (Bae et al. 2024). In the absence of a structural transformation of the productive matrix, this contraction has not been offset by alternative activities of equivalent scale, reinforcing dynamics of informalization, underemployment, and dependence on public transfers (Arond et al., 2025). At the institutional level, the closure of coal mining has exposed the state's structural weaknesses in anticipating, managing, and governing territorial transition processes. The reduction in mining activity resulted in a significant decrease in tax revenues and royalties, affecting the financial capacity of municipal governments to sustain public services, social investment, and local development planning (Bae et al. 2024). This loss of resources occurred in a context of limited institutional capacities, poor intergovernmental coordination, regulatory fragmentation, and the absence of a comprehensive mine closure framework (UPME, 2013). Furthermore, persistent perceptions of administrative weakness, corruption, and limited access to public information have been documented, restricting effective community participation and undermining the legitimacy of decisions related to closure and energy transition (Vega-Araújo et 119
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